[Note to my readers: If you're interested, Zeek Magazine asked me to write an article on teh occasion of Israel's 60th anniversary. Click here to read it--M]

In the realm of Israel-related politics, there is always a new group, and a steady stream of new books on the market. But there are some recent books and a new organization that folks should really be examining carefully.

BOOK: The Much Too Promised Land by Aaron David Miller

There is no end of reasons for anyone interested in Israel and Palestine to read this book. Miller worked for the State Department for a quarter century, under six different Secretaries of State and five presidents. The two Camp David summits essentially bookend his career.

The book is a veritable fountain of insight into American Middle East diplomacy. Miller never loses sight of both the political complications of attempts to bring peace to Israel and its neighbors, nor of the human elements that are such a vital part of diplomacy.

Unusual for a book of its kind, The Much Too Promised Land is exceptionally well-written and fully engages the reader throughout. It's that rarest of creations, a book of politics and history that's also a real page-turner.

Miller gives us priceless material on a quarter-century of American engagement in the Middle East; is unsparing in his criticism, including of himself; but is also quite clear in his praise. One gets a really good picture of what worked and what didn't and why. We also get a picture of the circumstances, which is crucial to understanding why a given course of action might work in 1978 but not in 2007, or might fail at one time but succeed at another.

Perhaps the most important point Miller brings out in his book, though this is not his focus, is the role of the "Israel Lobby" in American policy-making. Miller makes clear what I, among others, have been saying for years-that the "Lobby" is certainly powerful and effective and has an impact, but decisions are not based on what it wants. Miller illustrates well the importance of citizens organizing lobbying forces promoting reasonable policies but also makes clear where the power of lobbying ends and the leadership of a president begins. Click here and here for more of my own work on this issue. We'll get back to the issue of lobbying below.

Miller's book is simply indispensible for anyone wanting to truly understand America's policy toward the Arab-Israeli conflict from Carter to George W.



BOOK: The Hebrew Republic: How Secular Democracy and Global Enterprise Will Bring Israel Peace At Last by Bernard Avishai

Bernard Avishai is a thinker and writer I've admired for some time. His rather unfortunately-titled 1985 book, The Tragedy of Zionism, was not, as one might think, a statement of opposition to Zionism. Rather, it harkened back to the roots of Zionism, calling for their ideological re-establishment while offering an insightful analysis of how out-moded Zionist institutions, mixed with the ongoing conflict with the Arabs, were impeding the full establishment of Israeli democracy.

In Avishai's 2002 afterword to the updated edition of his book, he gave hints of where he would go in The Hebrew Republic. Even in the original, Avishai began to crystallize his vision of a centrist, business class in Israel, playing the game of globalization as well as, or better, than anyone. In The Hebrew Republic, Avishai goes to great lengths to demonstrate that the current state of affairs-the ongoing occupation of the West Bank and conflict with Hamas in Gaza, as well as the increasing stratification of Israeli society, most particularly the growing numbers and political power of the Orthodox Jewish community and the increasing marginalization of Israel's Arab minority, mixed in with the influence of more recent immigrants from the former Soviet Union-cannot be sustained while also preserving Israel's role in the global economy.

It is in this globalized class of centrists that Avishai places his hopes, and frankly, it's a good place to place them.

Avishai mentions a few times, but doesn't really dwell on, the natural disconnect of capitalist entrepreneurs and left-wing peace activists. But even though he's not explicit about it, this book is a call for a union between those two forces. In this era, where there is considerable overlap on regional political issues between moderate peace activists and independent entrepreneurs, this is not a pipe dream. But neither would it seem to be on the horizon in the immediate future.

Avishai does an excellent job of diagramming how the ongoing occupation of the West Bank and, most crucially, the increased influence of the settler movement in Israeli politics, impact Israel's present and its future. But perhaps his greatest contribution in this book is his presentation of Palestinian pragmatists and business-people, who have every reason in the world to wish the conflict over and a mutually beneficial relationship between Palestinians and Israelis to emerge. It's a group not without influence among the Palestinians, but one whose voice has been much quieter than it needs to be. Avishai reveals the sector among Palestinians that Salam Fayyad represents, and, one can hope, whose influence will continue to grow.

Indeed, it is this sector that must be supported if Avishai's vision of peace, or some form of it, can possibly emerge. Where I find my most profound difference with Avishai is in his vision, after which he titled the book, of a "Hebrew Republic."

Once again, Avishai tempts those who don't read the book to believe he is blaming Zionism for all of the Middle East's ills. He isn't, but he is, I believe, promoting a vision of a transformation of Israeli society that would take a very long time, much longer than is suitable to stop the killing of innocents in Israel, the Occupied Territories and beyond.

Avishai wishes Israel to become a secular democracy similar to many of the countries of Western Europe. Not unreasonable, as Israeli society has, in recent years, begun to resemble Europe more and more, more so than it has the USA, which had been the trend for quite some time.

But it's hard to ignore the sheer magnitude of destruction and bloodshed that brought Europe to where it is now. Indeed, as Avishai envisions, it was a lessening of nationalistic fervor that brought the EU about. But it was also years in developing, and a distance from intra-European conflict was a key ingredient at every stage. Israel doesn't have that kind of time, particularly since it remains situated in a place where its very existence is, at best, resentfully accepted and at worst the target of attack. That's not an atmosphere where nationalism diminishes, no matter what happens inside Israel. Even in the event of peace with the Palestinians and the establishment of relations with the Arab League nations, it will be a long time before true acceptance of Israel takes full hold, and some time after that before Israelis begin to really trust that acceptance en masse.

But Avishai's fundamental premise is a sound one. His view of Israel is more than a Jewish state. It's a state which was built by Jews, will always be culturally Jewish and always be a homeland and refuge for Jews fleeing persecution. But Avishai's Israel must now come to grips with the new Israeli nation it has created and complete the work of creating a democracy begun so many decades ago.

That's a worthwhile goal to pursue, and its various aspects have the potential to greatly improve Israel's daily existence as well as its prospects for peace and place in the world long before the country reaches the point where fervent nationalism has lost its appeal.

Group: J Street: Americans for Middle East Peace and Security, founded by Jeremy Ben-Ami

It has long been my belief that all of the following are true of the majority of American Jews:

· They support a two-state solution and vigorous American diplomatic efforts to bring one about

· They absolutely support Israel's existence and security

· The majority brings liberal, Democratic values to their politics

· They understand that the occupation of the Palestinians does Israel great harm

· They understand that the Palestinians deserve their independence, albeit not at the cost of Israel's security

· They support the myopic stances of AIPAC and "pro-Israel" PACs largely because they are the only game in town and are unwilling to stop their support for material and diplomatic aid to Israel just because there isn't a more suitable alternative

· They would embrace that alternative if it was credible, committed to Israel's security and able to deliver the goods on both security and peace

J Street may be the chance to find out if I'm right about these assessments.

AIPAC's loving embrace of both neo-conservatism and the Christian Right rubs a lot of Jews the wrong way. But the real question is whether J Street can demonstrate itself capable of playing the Washington game with sufficient skill to woo mainstream, liberal Jews.

That's a tough task, but one that its founder, Jeremy Ben-Ami is very familiar with. Ben-Ami has been around the DC scene long enough to be familiar with all the pitfalls and obstacles to creating a pro-peace, pro-Israel lobby. He's gotten enough support to get J Street off the ground. Now, with those resources, J Street must prove it can deliver.

In the end, and as I have observed before, those who are unwilling to take risks for peace or who prefer the status quo to any sort of compromise have generally been more willing to put both their money and their efforts where their mouths are than those who believe that, even while much more must be done on the Palestinian side to create a credible peace, more must also be done by Israel and the US to both create the atmosphere for peace and help the Palestinians overcome the considerable obstacles that their own failed policies and years of dispossession and occupation have placed in front of them.

J Street is the opportunity for that to change. One of the responses I've heard from major political donors in the Jewish community (including one or two Republicans, I might add) is that while they have more than a few fundamental problems with AIPAC there is no other place to put their support without taking that support away from Israel. Now they have one and it is up to them to support that alternative and to J Street to prove it can do the job with that support.

Whatever opinions one might have of the correctness or effectiveness of Carter, Reagan, HW Bush, or Clinton, the last seven-and-a-half years show (among other factors, of course) how devastating a US policy of non-involvement can be. In the more recent past, we've also seen how damaging half-hearted or poorly considered actions can be as well. Israel is, arguably, in the worst position it has been in since the 1950s.

The Jewish community needs an organized and impactful voice that insists that the status quo must change. The simple fact is that, while change is needed even more on the Palestinian side, what we can most clearly, powerfully and responsibly affect is change in the US role. If that doesn't come about, Israel may survive, but at a huge cost and in a state of insecurity that will only grow worse and impact even more on day-to-day life in Israel.

J Street and the next US administration may be the last chance to avoid many more years of horrible conflict. As much as their leadership is crucial, the support of American Jews and others who care about Israel, the Palestinians, and, indeed, America's own self-interest is just as important. It's imperative that J Street succeed and you can help them by clicking here.